نيستور ماخنو – الثورة الأناركية

الأناركية – هي حياة من الحرية و الاستقلال الخلاق للإنسانية

لا تعتمد الأناركية على نظرية أو برامج , إنها تحاول أن تحيط بحياة الإنسان في كليتها . إنها تعليم , يقوم على الحياة الفعلية , ينمو متجاوزا كل القيود الاصطناعية , و لا يمكن حصرها بأي نظام

الشكل الملموس للأناركية هو مجتمع حر غير خاضع للحكومة , يمنح الحرية , المساواة و التضامن لكل أعضائه . و توجد أسسه في الفهم الإنساني للمسؤولية المتبادلة , التي بقيت ثابتة في كل زمان ومكان . هذا الحس بالمسؤولية قادر على ضمان الحرية و العدالة الاجتماعية للجميع بواسطة جهودهم غير المدعومة من سواهم . إنها أيضا الأساس للشيوعية الحقيقية

لذلك فالأناركية جزء من الطبيعة البشرية , و الشيوعية هي امتدادها الطبيعي

Non-Western Anarchisms: Rethinking the Global Context

By Jason Adams

“The future of anarchism must be appraised within a global context; any attempt to localize it is bound to yield a distorted outcome. The obstacles to anarchism are, in the main, global; only their specifics are determined by local circumstances.”

 Sam Mbah

“To the reactionists of today we are revolutionists, but to the revolutionists of tomorrow our acts will have been those of conservatives”

 Ricardo Flores Magon

THE ANARCHIST REVOLUTION

Errico Malatesta was an Italian anarchist. He spent much of his life exiled from Italy and in total spent more than ten years in prison. Malatesta wrote and edited a number of radical newspapers and was also a friend of Mikhail Bakunin. (Wikipedia)

By Errico Malatesta (December 14, 1853 – July 22, 1932)

The revolution is the creation of new living institutions, new groupings, new social relationships; it is the destruction of privileges and monopolies; it is the new spirit of justice, of brotherhood, of freedom which must renew the whole of social life, raise the moral level and the material conditions of the masses by calling on them to provide, through their direct and conscientious action, for their own futures. Revolution is the organization of all public services by those who work in them in their own interest as well as the public’s; Revolution is the destruction of all coercive ties; it is the autonomy of groups, of communes, of regions; Revolution is the free federation brought about by desire for brotherhood, by individual and collective interests, by the needs of production and defense; Revolution is the constitution of innumerable free groupings based on ideas, wishes, and tastes of all kinds that exist among the people; Revolution is the forming and disbanding of thousands of representative, district, communal, regional, national bodies which, without having any legislative power, serve to make known and to coordinate the desires and interests of people near and far and which act through information, advice and example. Revolution is freedom proved in the crucible of facts—and lasts so long as freedom lasts, that is until others, taking advantage of the weariness that overtakes the masses, of the inevitable disappointments that follow exaggerated hopes, of the probable errors and human faults, succeed in constituting a power, which supported by an army of conscripts or mercenaries, lays down the law, arrests the movement at the point it has reached, and then begins the reaction.

ALGERIA: The Kabyle mentality by Sail Mohamed

Sail Mohamed is in the center of the front row
From: libcom.org

Sail Mohamed Ameriane ben Amerzaine (1894-1953) was born in Kabylie, Algeria. He was active in both the Algerian struggle for liberation from French rule and the French anarchist movement. He was an anarchist, atheist, anti-Stalinist and anti-colonialist. He fought with the Durruti Column during the Spanish revolution and civil war, at one time becoming its commander.

The following article was originally published in Le Libertaire No. 257, 16 February 1951.
The translation is by Tahrir-ICN

GERMANY: Schwarzwohnen: The spatial politics of squatting in East Berlin

East Berlin’s squatter movement erupted across the city after the fall of the wall in 1989. But what role did housing activists in the 1980s play in shaping an alternative vision for the contemporary city?
In September 1988, an anonymous report appeared in the East German underground magazine Umweltblätter describing the plight of a group of squatters who had occupied 61 Lychenerstrasse in the Berlin district of Prenzlauer Berg. In the squatters own words, they had “occupied the house in order to overcome the contradiction between, on the one hand, the many vacant and decaying houses [in Berlin], and on the other, a growing number of people in search of housing”. As “squatters (Instandbesetzer),” they proclaimed, “we will resist the further cultural and spiritual devastation of the country.”[i]

Anarchism and Nationalism

Author: Anonymous

This article first appeared in Freedom on 21^st February 1970 and has been reprinted several times.

Superficially, anarchism is a movement of the Left but this is not strictly so, since it implies being part of the political spectrum. Anarchists reject this, asserting that there is more in common between Right and Left political parties (like the struggle for power) than between even extreme Left political groups and the anarchists. History has shown us that no matter how ‘Left’ a party is when it starts off, the achievement of power brings it round to the Right, for every government wants to maintain the status quo; wants to extend the control it has over the people, and isn’t this what the Right really means?

The colour brown: de-colonising anarchism and challenging white hegemony

By Budour Hassan

The appearance of the Egyptian Black Bloc in Cairo’s streets in January 2013 triggered gullible excitement in Western anarchist circles. Little thought was given to the Egyptian Black Bloc’s political vision – or lack thereof – tactics, or social and economic positions. For most Western anarchists, it was enough that they looked and dressed like anarchists to warrant uncritical admiration. Facebook pages of Israeli anarchists were swamped with pictures of Egyptian Black Bloc activists; skimming through the US anarchist blogosphere during that period would have given one the impression that the Black Bloc was Egypt’s first-ever encounter with anarchism and anti-authoritarianism. But as American writer Joshua Stephens notes, the jubilant reaction many Western anarchists have towards the Black Bloc raises unflattering questions concerning their obsession with form and representation, rather than content and actions. And in this regard, these anarchists are not different from the Islamists who were quick to denounce the Black Bloc as blasphemous and infidel merely because they looked like Westerners. Further, many Western anarchist reactions to the Black Bloc unmask an entrenched orientalist tendency. Their disregard of Egypt and the Middle East’s rich history of anarchism is one manifestation of this. As Egyptian anarchist, Yasser Abdullah illustrates, anarchism in Egypt dates back to the 1870’s in response to the inauguration of the Suez Canal; Italian anarchists in Alexandria took part in the First International, published an anarchist journal in 1877, and took part in the Orabi revolution of 1881; Greek and Italian anarchists also organised strikes and protests with Egyptian workers. Yet these struggles are nonchalantly shunned by those who act today as if the Black Bloc is the first truly radical group to grace Egyptian soil.

IRAQ: Class struggle in Iraq – interview with a veteran

An interview covering class struggle in Iraq from the ’40s to early ’90s in Iraq.

The following interview was first published in ‘Workers Scud – no patriot can catch us!’ (London, June 1991), a collection of articles reflecting on the Gulf War.

The Class Struggle in Iraq – an interview with a veteran

Q: Can you briefly tell us about the class struggle in Iraq before the overthrow of the monarchy in 1958?

A: In the 1940’s and early 1950’s the class struggle was mainly situated in the rural areas. Peasant uprisings (eg. in Aali-azarchi which lasted about 3 years before being violently suppressed) were a constant headache for the semi-feudal landowners and the state.

Urban struggles intensified with the nine-day strike of Kirkuk oil workers in 1946 (put down with loss of 10 lives). Unemployment and homelessness were rampant. There were thousands of sarifas (shacks made of palm branches) around and inside Baghdad.

1956 (Suez Crisis) had a massive impact on Iraq, with demonstrations against the Iraqi regime who were seen as British stooges. The Palestinian issue also helped radicalisation. I still wonder why there wasn’t a revolution in 1956!I These internal and external events led to the formation of the Free Officers (nationalist/Nasserist) who had links with the Iraqi ‘Communist’ Party (l.C.P.) but not so much with the Ba’ths.

Interview with anarchist, Stuart Christie

March 21, 2013

L-R: Stuart Christie, Luis Edo, Albert Meltzer, Doris Ellsinger

Stuart Christie has been an active anarchist through writing, publishing and action. He first achieved notoriety in 1964, when he attempted to assassinate the dictator, Franco. He was imprisoned for 20 years but freed only 3 years later thanks to an international campaign that included Jean-Paul Sartre and Bertrand Russell. In the 1970s, Stuart and Alfred Meltzer re-formed the Anarchist Black Cross (an organisation to aid anarchist prisoners), edited Black Flag magazine and – by and by – was acquitted of being part of the Angry Brigade. Below is an interview with Stuart, together with an extract from a book he wrote providing details of what happened on that fateful journey to Spain to assassinate Franco.

SPAIN: A century of Spanish anarchism

November 30, 2012 by Eloise Horsfield

IN a busy Sevilla street, just yards from the world’s largest wooden structure – the Metropol Parasol – is a large office sign in striking red and black colours.